
What is Pop? Or equivalently,
what is the popular? This is the question Simon Reynold’s book Rip It Up and
Start Again forces us to confront, particularly towards the middle of the
book, where the focus pivots from post-punk to early 80s New Pop: the moment
many post-punk artists such as Scritti Politti and The Human League get tired
of post-punk’s puritanical commitment to fringe experimentalism and turn their
sights to the mainstream, the popular. What’s valuable about Reynolds account
here is that it gives us the perspective of approaching Pop from the outside:
we are introduced to a rag-tag clan of artistic misfits who are desperately
trying to crack the code of the popular, to break into the Top 40 and become
stars, as if it were some alien language beamed in from another galaxy. It is
these people, those who consciously have to crack and break into it, who really
understand Pop, rather than those who have unconsciously been interpellated or
conditioned by it (such as the “popular” kids at school).
This is because the popular – Pop
– has very little to do with what “is” popular, statistically and numerically. Pop
is not simply a kind of molar statistical aggregate, a name for a thing lots of
people know of or do. Commuting to work – to conjure up the most banal example
I can – is something millions of people do, but one would really be stretching
to call commuting “popular”, or “Pop”. It’s part of the grey background of
everyday life: precisely the thing that Pop strives to stand out against and
rupture. Pop needs to be a spectacle, a concentrated singularity, quite
literally the centre of attention, in order to exist. Pop is a
centralisation or it is nothing.
Of course, numbers matter. You
can’t attach the concept of Pop to something that literally zero people have
heard of. Pop clearly has a direct relation to, and orientation towards, what
is statistically and numerically eminent. Indeed, it needs this
eminence, this large numerical infrastructure, to effect the rupture it
desires, because the rupture is in this infrastructure.
This is why so many attempts to
be popular by unimaginatively mimicking what is already “popular” come off as
desperate, and concomitantly fail. Desperate attempts to be “popular”
misunderstand the verticality and hierarchy of Pop, the form of the popular. The
desperate take Pop to basically be a statistical quantity above a certain
numerical threshold, and thereby desperately appeal to those that are already
“popular”, already above the threshold, to give them a leg up – as if Pop were
some exclusive member’s club, that only let people in if they dressed and spoke
according to fixed, established protocols. There is an implicit and
unquestioned faith in this quantitative view of Pop in an underlying,
continuous and coherent substance that necessarily forms the foundation for any
quantification of popularity, for any quantity is a quantity of something,
a stable quality or essence.
This fails because desperation
isn’t contagious; it is an affect that cannot reproduce itself because it
depends entirely on an external being, the superior Master, to whom it appeals
from a distance. Desperation does not directly cause more desperation; instead,
to become desperate, one must always make that indirect detour through the
superior Master. Contagion by contrast requires a kind of horizontal similarity
(not the vertical hierarchy and difference indexed by desperation) – that
common substance or molar aggregate noted above, a common code or genetic
makeup – that is parasitically fed on and infected (more on this below).
There’s a reason the contemporary parlance for Pop is “going viral”.
In short, Pop’s verticality is a verticality-in-horizontality:
a concentration, an increase in density or pressure. The superiority and
centralisation of authority of Pop does not occur through a distancing from the
hoi polloi, the common masses, but in and through it. Pop takes the
“common”, that consistent shared substance, and rather than taking it for
granted (as in the quantitative view of Pop above), ruptures it, cuts it
apart, breaks apart the common logic of sense and ultimately reorganises it. It
takes particular points in the “common” and intensifies them, puts pressure on
them, until they break apart and are reorganised. For example, viruses such as
Covid-19, perhaps the biggest Pop phenomenon of the past decade, work by breaking
into a cell and inserting their genetic code into it, thereby instructing the
host cell to reproduce more of the virus. It takes that common genetic code
shared by all the host cells it infects and shamelessly cuts into and
reorganises it, throwing the host cells and their related organism into crisis,
demanding a heightened response from the immune system*. Thus, while the virus
takes on a position of superiority or power, literally overcoming us,
this superiority only occurs in and through – not at a distance from – a
horizontal commonality and consistency, a shared code, genetic sequence or substance.
(One needn’t delve into
microbiology to make this observation either: just
read k-punk’s
posts on Glam to see how this Pop mechanism works in the realm of music.)
Consequently, Pop isn’t, or
shouldn’t be, about catering to or representing “the common” as some fixed
substance: the result of this approach has been the vast majority of
uninspired, retro-derivative music that is labelled “Pop” today. Instead, as
charted above, we should dare to conceive of Pop as a concentration of
pressure, a rupture, in “common sense”; or,
as k-punk saw it,
a
nihilation that is the basis of all the best Pop:
What Pop lacks
now is the capacity for nihilation, for producing new potentials
through the negation of what already exists. One example, of many possible.
Both the Birthday Party and New Pop nihilated one another: far from existing in
a relation of mutual acceptance or of mutual ignorance each defined themselves
in large part by not being the other. One shouldn’t rush to
conceive of this in simple-minded dialectical terms as thesis-antithesis, since
the relationships are not only oppositional – there is always more than one way
to nihilate, and it is always possible for any individual thing to nihilate
more than one Other. It seems at least plausible to suggest that the capacity
for renewed nihilation is what has driven Pop.
He concludes:
So let's dare
to conceive of Pop not as an archipelago of neighbouring but unconflicting
options, not as a sequence of happy hybridities or pallid incommensurabilities,
but as a spiral of nihilating vortices.
The statement is loud and clear:
Pop opposes and nihilates what is “popular” or “common”. Postmodern consumerist
PR, on the contrast, caters to and mollycoddles it.
*
All this discussion of Pop and
the popular is, of course, directly related to politics. In particular, it
sheds light on the miserable state of affairs that is the current Labour
leadership contest.
Each of the contenders, Keir
Starmer, Lisa Nandy, and Rebecca Long-Bailey, have sought to either distance
themselves from or outright tarnish the legacy of outgoing leader Jeremy Corbyn,
inflecting this distancing in their own terrible way. Starmer’s appeal is
essentially that of politics as usual, another white professional man in a suit
and thereby “electable”; Nandy’s campaign has basically been that Labour know
nothing and should pander to the racist, nationalist, petty conservatism so
many of us found on the doorstep in December; and Long-Bailey, the supposed
left candidate, has been supremely lacklustre, making some promising policy
announcements while at the same time desperately trying to make herself appear
as “normal” as possible,
contra Corbyn’s quasi-hippy eccentricities. (For
example, take
this
interview where she stresses that her favourite leisure activity is having
a Chinese takeaway and watching Netflix – which stands in stark contrast to
Corbyn’s pastimes of tending his allotment,
collecting
manhole covers, and reading
Ulysses while
interrailing across Europe.)
Interestingly, the common enemy
for all the candidates is precisely the thing that was so appealing and
exciting about Corbyn: not so much a set of policies, but quite fundamentally
the fact that he embodied a countercultural way of life. In their
different ways, Starmer, Nandy and Long-Bailey’s pitches say the same thing:
let’s keep (most of) the policies, but make it look different, more
normal, more palatable. On the surface, this looks like a perfectly harmless
and agreeable measure (it’s win-win: socialism, but “marketable” and without “baggage”),
but with any sustained analysis it reveals itself to be a profoundly
problematic argument – philosophically, politically, and practically. And it
has everything to do with a misunderstanding of Pop, of the popular.
Starmer, Nandy and Long-Bailey
will all point at policies like renationalisation and increased public spending
and note their general “popularity” with British voters and the fact that they
did not lose us the election. There is an element of truth here: policies like
renationalisation
are widely
accepted.
But – and this is the key point – their mode of acceptance
is basically passive. Voters are probed by polling companies on these questions
and essentially shrug and go “yeah, that sounds alright”. What becomes revealed
through these polls, then, is not so much an articulated desire for socialism
but a kind of mapping of the collective unconscious, a common set of
auto-responses or
servomechanisms.
Consequently, while the policies possess a certain numerical eminence and
passive consent, they lack the backing of any widespread and active
drive
or movement to achieve them. They’re “popular” or “common”, but not Pop.
For the three leadership
contenders, this isn’t a problem, because they’re fully signed up to the reductive
quantitative view of Pop. “Common sense” is worshipped and becomes the common,
underlying, unconscious substance upon which we can quantify and measure
“popularity”. Breaking with this “common sense” – as Corbyn did with his beige
suits and eccentric past – breaks down this entire quantification and supposed
accumulation of “popularity”, thereby threatening the party with “unelectability”.
Faced with this self-imposed constriction, the only option left is the putrid
strategy of constantly invoking and appealing to “common sense” socialism,
typified by the depressing equation of: more common sense = more popularity =
more electability = more power. (A strategy which, as the electoral results for
many social democratic parties across the world demonstrate loud and clear, has
a terrible track record in the current global climate.)
The result of this approach, of
course, is
boredom. Every single contender is a bore from head to toe:
Starmer, steeped in white middle class professionalism and all its
weak as shit
banter; Nandy, happy to entertain your boring, racist relatives at
Christmas; and Long-Bailey with her exaltation of mindless Netflix vegetation.
This has everything to do with their former professions, all upper-middle class
white collar: Starmer was obviously a senior lawyer and the former Director of
Public Prosecutions; Nandy worked for an MP and then worked as a researcher for
some NGOs/charities; and Long-Bailey was a solicitor whose husband is a
marketing director. In every case, we have a catering to dominant and “common
sense” bourgeois notions of “respectability” and how to live one’s life (go to
uni, graduate and get on a grad scheme, become a manager, work your way up
until you die…), and a complete desertion of any countercultural way of life,
any embodiment or practice of a Pop-style nihilation.
“Popularity” is inherently
boring, rousing no active desire but instead a pathetic and desperate appeal to
be accepted. The very existence of “popularity” depends on an external stock of
“common sense” or common protocols/trends that it must cater to as its
foundation/base. “Popularity” has no mind of its own, it is entirely dependent
and uncritical, constitutively conservative and reactionary. (Just think about
how boring all the popular kids from school have turned out to be.) Pop, by
contrast, nihilates the boring: it traces an active, nihilating
movement across forms, always jumping from one to the other as one becomes
boring and predictable and another emerges in an antagonistic reaction to it.
*
My argument here, though, isn’t
just moaning that the three contenders are bad just because they’re boring.
It’s instead something a bit more nuanced: socialist or communist politics
literally
cannot afford to be boring, because being boring and fetishizing
“popularity”
by definition express a dependence on and adherence to
“common sense” or any of the other large molar aggregates that make up the
world, which are precisely what communism is about breaking down. The moment
socialism or communism becomes “common sense”,
as
many have been declaring reflecting on the Tory government’s reaction to
the coronavirus crisis, is precisely the moment we know things are going wrong,
or immediately need to change tack. It’s the moment for another Pop-style
nihilation and antagonism. (This, indeed, is precisely what Marx and Engels
make clear in
The Communist Manifesto when they declare that communists
“everywhere support every revolutionary movement
against the existing social
and political order of things”.)
This is all about the relation
between the content and expression of communism: what form of expression is
demanded by the form of content of communism. And this form of expression is,
precisely, Pop**: communism as a series of nihilating vortices against the
existing popular social and political order of things. Communism needs Pop. It
needs that magnetic, captivating allure that all the best Pop stars have
commanded.
Jeremy Corbyn is an apt (and in
light of the events since December, tragic) example here: a soon-to-be-lost
symbol of a fleeting moment when the British left was Pop.
Initially, at least, Corbyn was a
leader who understood that socialist or communist principles necessitate not
just a particular way of thinking and speaking but also a totally different
way
of living. In this sense, Corbyn embodied the promise of Pop: rather than
living the usual life of a politician, faithfully following the
Oxbridge-to-Parliament pipeline, he came to the Labour leadership race in 2015
with roughly 40 years of community organising, union activism and
anti-imperialist solidarity under his belt. The “common” programme for being a
politician or Leader of the Opposition was scrambled in every sense, in a
Pop-style nihilation. Huge sequences of the code were deleted (the polished Oxbridge
attire; the PR soundbites; the narrow nationalistic viewpoint and pandering to
anti-immigration sentiments) and new sequences were inserted (a commitment to
the grassroots; anti-austerity; genuine interest in literature and culture). Corbyn
sceptics in Labour, usually on the liberal or soft left, frequently derided
this scruffy scrambling of the accepted codes of politics as frustrating
“baggage”,
particularly in regards to his anti-imperialist solidarity work. But this “baggage”
was
precisely what made Corbyn a quasi “pop star”, a genuine cultural
icon, that was at the centre of the 2017 almost-victory. It’s hard, for
instance, to imagine something like Grime4Corbyn happening without Corbyn’s
history in (or “baggage” of) anti-racist and anti-imperialist organising, as
grime
artist Akala’s support for him demonstrated.
It was the “baggage” that
made Corbyn Pop.
*
But for all this exaltation of
Pop, content still – clearly and necessarily – matters. Pop is ultimately a
kind of ambivalent form that can feed upon a whole range of common codes,
substances, and molar aggregates. A Pop Communism*** still, therefore, depends
on that set of common principles, theory and policies that all leftists are at
least somewhat familiar with and advocate for. But the point nonetheless
remains that good policies aren’t enough, and never will be enough. In honesty,
I couldn’t care less that all of the leadership contenders are standing on a
platform that has substantial bits of “Corbynism” in them. Instead I want a
leadership candidate that will stand in front of everyone and say the
unthinkable: that everything that was ostensibly bad about Corbyn, all his
“baggage” that even the left took turns in complaining about, was precisely the
most valuable thing about him. The beige suits, the history on the backbenches,
the anti-imperialist solidarity, the eccentric anecdotes and hobbies, that’s
what we wanted, and what we still want. It was what made Corbyn, and Labour,
ever so briefly Pop, reaching its crescendo in the aftermath of the 2017
election.
2017 Corbyn “won”, for all
intents and purposes. 2019 Corbyn lost.
We collectively gave up Pop and
settled for “popularity” and “common sense”.
We can’t make the same mistake
again.
-----------------------------
*I am not trained in biology, so
this is massively generalised, and I welcome insights from virologists and
epidemiologists on this matter.
** Pop, then, is a particular
form of expression (as opposed to a form of content – this is why Pop music
covers so many different genres and can hardly be labelled a genre in itself)
*** As I think about it, I think
Pop Communism is basically the same as
Acid Communism. Or at least very
similar. So this neologism may be completely redundant.